Raúl Grijalva

Campaign finance

FEC data through Dec 31, 2022. Covering the 2022 two-year cycle only.

• FEC record H2AZ07070 ↗ H · AZ-7 Committees used: C00374058

The 2022 cycle at a glance

Where the money came from

These categories divide total receipts of $660,514 exactly once, so they add back up to the reported total.

Financial position

Cash, debt, refunds, loans, and transfers as reported through Dec 31, 2022 for the 2022 cycle. These are factual reported values, not a judgement about whether a campaign is healthy, viable, or strong. Independent expenditures are never added to or subtracted from any of them: that money was never the campaign's.

Calculated from the reported values

Each row below is arithmetic MyRepTracker performed on the values above. Where the FEC published the figure itself, the row says so and no calculation was made.

Change since the previous filing

Both columns come from committee C00374058, so the two periods are comparable. A change is the difference between what 30G 2022 reported and what YE 2022 reported, and the direction is stated in words rather than shown only as a sign. 30G 2022 reported through Nov 28, 2022 and YE 2022 through Dec 31, 2022.

Cash compared with one period's spending

Cash on hand of $206,206 set beside the $25,624 this campaign spent during YE 2022, through Dec 31, 2022, which is 8.0 times that period's spending. This is a ratio between two reported numbers over one named period. It is not a forecast of how long the money will last, and campaigns do not spend evenly across a cycle.

Outside spending

Independent expenditures are spending by other organizations that is not coordinated with the campaign. This money was never received or controlled by Raúl Grijalva. Supporting and opposing spending are kept apart rather than combined into one number, and neither is added to campaign receipts.

What the money was spent on

Last-minute contributions reported before an election

In the days just before an election, a campaign must tell the FEC within 48 hours about any contribution or loan of $1,000 or more. These notices arrive faster than the regular reporting schedule, and the same money is reported again in the report covering those days. Nothing here is added to receipts: it is a preview of money the ordinary reports will carry, not money beside them.

The most recent notice was filed on Nov 6, 2022. A notice stops being the only record of its money once a regular report covers the same days; those are marked reconciled below and the amounts appear in Raúl Grijalva's reported totals through the ordinary schedule.

Where the individual money was reported from

Contributions from individuals that the campaign itemized, grouped by the state each contributor gave as their address. Contributions of $200 or less in aggregate are not itemized and carry no address, so they are not here at all. These places account for $290,819 of the $447,765 this campaign reported from individuals and from transfers by its other authorized committees, across 1,076 itemized contributions.

Money from outside Arizona is not money from outside the country, and neither figure is evidence that anything unlawful happened. People may contribute to campaigns in states they do not live in, and United States citizens living abroad may contribute at all.

What kind of place it came from

Places, largest first

Top 10 of 36 places shown as bars. Every place is in the table below.

• Arizona this campaign's state $72,091
• California $63,550
• Washington $29,100
• Minnesota $14,800
• District of Columbia $14,600
• Texas $13,570
• Oklahoma $8,700
• Oregon $8,130
• Michigan $7,360
• New York $7,130

Contributions are transactions, not people: one contributor giving every month is counted once for each contribution. No contributor's name, address, employer, or occupation is stored or shown anywhere on this site.

How this compares

Compared with U.S. House campaigns in Arizona, 2022 cycle: 12 campaigns with a complete Federal Election Commission record for the cycle. This is a position in that group, not a score, a grade, or a judgement about the campaign.

Every comparison is drawn from one two-year cycle and one office. Only campaigns whose FEC record for that cycle is complete are counted; the rest are reported beside the cohort and are never counted as zero. One authorized committee is counted once however many candidacies report it, so where a candidate's committees are all reported by another FEC record, that record supplies the figures for both. A campaign is never compared with another cycle, with a career total, or with a candidate for a different office.

What these numbers mean

Receipts are not the same as contributions

Total receipts include everything the campaign took in, such as contributions, loans, and transfers. Contributions are only the money given by people and committees.

Direct contributions are not outside spending

A direct contribution is money received by the campaign's own authorized committee. An independent expenditure is money another organization spent on its own, without coordinating with the campaign. The Federal Election Commission treats these as different activities, and so does this page.

The organizations named here are political committees

Direct rankings count what one political committee gave to a campaign; outside-spending rankings count what a committee spent independently. A separate conduit section groups individual contributions only when the campaign's memo record supplies a registered conduit committee's FEC ID. It never attributes donors to employers or interest groups, and it never exposes contributor names. Sites using broader attribution rules may therefore report different organization totals.

A cycle may be only partly reported

Filings arrive throughout a two-year cycle. A current cycle shows only what has been filed and processed through the coverage date shown above, so it is not comparable with a finished cycle.

This view is cycle specific

It covers the 2022 two-year cycle only.

Source: Federal Election Commission ↗. MyRepTracker ingests FEC records directly and does not add its own influence, risk, or corruption score.